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www.newsindiatimes.com – that’s all you need to know Dr. Sudhir M. Parikh Founder, Chairman & Publisher Ilayas Quraishi Chief Operating Officer Ela Dutt Editor Archana Adalja Contributing Editor T. Vishnudatta Jayaraman Advisor Arun Shah Ahmedabad Bureau Chief Peter Ferreira, Deval Parikh, Freelance Photographers Bhailal M. Patel Executive Vice President Chandrakant Koticha-Rajkot, India Executive Director Business Development Jim Gallentine Business Development Manager - U.S. Shahnaz Sheikh Senior Manager Advertising & Marketing Sonia Lalwani Advertising Manager Shailu Desai Advertising New York Muslima Shethwala Syed Sheeraz Mahmood Advertising Chicago Digant Sompura Consultant for Business Development Ahmedabad, India Hervender Singh Circulation Manager Main Office Editorial & Corporate Headquarters 1655 Oak Tree Toad, Suite 155 Edison, NJ 08820-2843 Tel. (212) 675-7515 Fax. 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Postmaster: Send address change to News India Times, 1655 Oak Tree Toad, Suite 155 Edison, NJ 08820-2843 Annual Subscription: United States: $28 Disclaimer: Parikh Worldwide Media assumes no liability for claims/ assumptions made in advertisements and advertorials. Disclaimer:The views and opinions expressed on this page are those of the authors and Parikh Worldwide Media does not officially endorse, and is not responsible or liable for them. Opinion News India Times (November 23 - November 29, 2024) November 29, 2024 3 Ukraine-India Relations: Navigating Historical Ties And Russian Disinformation In ANewGeopolitical Era U kraine and India, despite geographic distance and dif- fering regional alliances, share a layered history marked by economic, educational, and strategic collaborations. With roots from the Soviet era, further strengthened by 30 years of diplomatic engagement, these relations have been repeatedly tested —most recently by the complexities introduced by the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and the pervasive in- fluence of Russian disinformation. Understanding this relation- ship today requires a careful look at both historical cooperation and the impact of evolving narratives, especially those shaped by Russia’s media influence in India. FOUNDATIONS OF UKRAINE-INDIA COOPERATION India recognized Ukraine’s independence on December 26, 1991, and within a month, the two countries formally estab- lished diplomatic ties. Ukraine quickly established an embassy in New Delhi, and by 1993, India reciprocated with an embassy in Kyiv, ushering in a new phase of partnership. However, India-Ukraine ties predate this modern diplomatic era and are grounded in Soviet-era cooperation, where Ukrainian engineers and experts were instrumental in India’s industrial and energy sectors. Key collaborations included the establishment of steel and machinery plants and the provision of expertise in oil and gas exploration, marking Ukraine as a critical partner in India’s industrial journey. This strong foundation, however, often goes unrecognized today, with many in India perceiving the Soviet Union’s contri- butions as solely Russia’s. Ukrainian engineers and specialists, pivotal to India’s development, have largely been overshadowed by this historical misperception, which has been exacerbated by modern Russian narratives. THE STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK: DIPLOMATIC AND ECONOMIC MILESTONES In March 1992, a milestone was achieved with the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between Ukraine and India. This treaty established a framework for collaboration, including a joint intergovernmental commission on trade, technology, industry, and cultural exchange. Over the years, trade between the two countries has flourished, peaking in 2021 at $3.6 billion, making India Ukraine’s second-largest Asian export destination after China. India’s imports from Ukraine primarily consist of agricultural products, like fats and oils, highlighting Ukraine’s role in India’s food security. This growing economic relationship took a hit in 2022, when Russian invasion disrupted Ukrainian exports, reducing bilateral trade volume by more than half. Nevertheless, India persisted as one of Ukraine’s top trading partners, with trade in 2022 amounting to $2.58 billion. Such resilience underscores the robustness of their economic connection, even amid global instability. DEFENSE TIES AND THE SHIFT IN STRATEGIC PRIORITIES Beyond trade, military-technical cooperation has been a critical area of collaboration. In September 2021, Ukraine’s state- owned Zorya-Mashproekt signed a significant contract to supply gas turbine engines for the Indian Navy. However, the Russian invasion disrupted these plans, leading India to diversify its de- fense suppliers and develop domestic capabilities, with support from the United States. India’s longstanding reliance on Russian arms, rooted in ColdWar alliances, has added complexity to its position on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. India’s official stance on the conflict has been cautious neu- trality. Rooted in its ColdWar-era non-alignment policy, India refrains from explicitly siding in global disputes. This tradition continues, with Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar defining a policy of “plurilateralism,” or strategic partnerships across diverse, sometimes conflicting, partners. This approach allows India to engage with various nations, including Russia, Ukraine, and Western allies, while prioritizing its own security needs. RUSSIAN DISINFORMATION AND ITS INFLUENCE ON UKRAINE-INDIA RELATIONS One of the increasingly complex challenges in Ukraine-India relations is the impact of Russian disinformation, which skews narratives and public opinion in ways that benefit Moscow’s geopolitical aims. Russia’s state-backed media has significant in- fluence in India, where it often frames the Russia-Ukraine con- flict as a proxy struggle incited by NATO. This portrayal, coupled with India’s historical ties to the Soviet Union, has fostered an understanding in parts of Indian society that sympathizes with Russia, complicating efforts to establish broader support for Ukraine. A recent conference titled “Russian Disinformation: Tactics, Influence, and Threats to National Security,” held inWashing- ton, D.C., highlighted the growing global concern over Russia’s manipulation of information. Bringing together top experts in media, politics, security, and human rights, as well as repre- sentatives from various religious communities, the conference delved into how Russian disinformation seeks to destabilize governments, manipulate elections, and even undermine reli- gious freedoms in both occupied territories and other sovereign nations. This event underscored the scope and scale of Russian disinformation and its threat to international stability. The conference also provided an essential platform to examine how these tactics affect national security worldwide, revealing the channels through which Russia infiltrates media ecosystems to sway opinions. The agenda covered critical topics that resonate deeply in India, where Russian narratives exploit anti-Western sentiments and historical skepticism of foreign influence, reframing Russia’s role as a “counterbalance” to perceivedWestern domination. Through disinformation, Russia has effectively embedded a narrative in India that overlooks Ukraine’s sovereignty while maintaining a strategic alignment with Moscow. By tapping into India’s colonial past and amplifying anti- Western rhetoric, Russian media has managed to foster an enduring sympathy in parts of the Indian public, who may perceive the Russia-Ukraine war as a conflict primarily between Russia and NATO. This approach minimizes Ukraine’s position as an independent actor and stifles recognition of Ukraine’s historical contributions to India’s development during the Soviet era. The insights shared at theWashington conference underscore the need for Ukraine to counter these narratives actively. High- lighting Ukraine’s own role in India’s industrial and educational history, and promoting current avenues for collaboration in technology, agriculture, and education, can help Ukraine rebal- ance its image in India. By addressing disinformation head-on, Ukraine can more effectively engage India’s policymakers and public, making a case for the two nations’ mutual benefit in a multipolar world that respects each country’s sovereignty. ECONOMIC CONSTRAINTS AND RUSSIAN OIL DEPENDENCY India’s continued import of Russian oil, even amid global By Kateryna Odarchenko, Special to South Asian Herald - Continued On Page 4 PHOTO:X@narendramodi Prime Minister Narendra Modi meeting with President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy on September 23, 2024, in New York.